In January 2024, the Taiwanese populace is gearing up to cast their votes, not only for the president but also for the vice president and legislators. Historically, these elections have been a battleground for the two dominant political factions: the pro-independence Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) and the pro-China Kuomintang (KMT). However, recent electoral trends have unveiled a growing dissatisfaction among voters regarding this deep-rooted polarization.
The winds of change began to blow in 2014 when an independent candidate, Ko Wen-je, clinched the mayoral position in Taipei, successfully defending his title in 2018. Then, in 2019, Ko laid the foundation for the Taiwan People’s Party (TPP), a political entity championing technocracy and transparency. Come the 2020 legislative elections, the TPP emerged as the third-largest political force in Taiwan, a testament to the seismic shift reshaping the country’s political landscape. With this rise, Ko Wen-je found himself in the spotlight, with a genuine shot at the presidency.
The TPP signifies a “third way” in Taiwanese politics, a concept born in the late 1990s, as described by British sociologist Anthony Giddens. This “third way” seeks to transcend the traditional left-right divide, emphasizing pragmatic governance and welfare reform—a middle ground in an era where old left and new right ideologies seem obsolete and contradictory.
Yet, Ko and the TPP face formidable contenders in the electoral arena, with the DPP’s William Lai and the KMT’s Hou You-yi offering divergent approaches to cross-strait relations. Lai, from the DPP, labels himself a “pragmatic worker for Taiwan independence,” a stance that continues to raise concerns both in the United States and China. On the other hand, the KMT’s presidential candidate remains enigmatic on the China question, leaning on the “1992 Consensus,” a term understood differently by both China and Taiwan.
In contrast, the TPP’s approach advocates a “middle path” concerning cross-strait relations, promoting exchanges and goodwill to foster a harmonious interaction between the two sides. Ko Wen-je’s rhetoric often echoes the idea of “one family across the Strait,” and he has endorsed four reciprocal actions—knowing, understanding, respecting, and working together.
As the election looms, all three candidates maintain an air of ambiguity regarding their China policies, carefully observing public sentiment to secure the most votes. However, the historical backdrop suggests that a victory by either the DPP or the KMT would likely lead to the continuation of their respective party’s established policies, each carrying its own set of risks for Taiwan’s future.
Considering pivotal indicators such as the probability of war, economic outlook, and the potential for improved cross-Strait relations, Ko Wen-je emerges as a pragmatic choice for Taiwan’s next president. Notably, his approach may also be more palatable to China. The pressing question now revolves around whether the non-progressive camp can unify in support of this vision.
In a surprising twist, tech billionaire Terry Gou declared his intention to run as an independent candidate on August 28. However, Gou faces the challenge of gathering approximately 300,000 voter signatures by November 2 to secure his candidacy. Despite his claim to facilitate party alternation, both domestic and international media analyses unanimously suggest that Gou’s candidacy is poised to bolster Lai’s chances of victory in the upcoming election.
(Source: Channel News Asia)
